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The 1996 World Food Summit was held in Rome against an
uncomfortable backdrop. The previous Summit's promise to eradicate world
hunger within ten years had failed miserably and delegates had to acknowledge
that close to 800 million people around the world still go hungry every
day. This time the Summit's declaration didn't even have the eradication
of hunger as a goal, but merely talked about reducing the number of hungry
people by half. The main difference between the two summits was that this
time the political will to address the hunger problem had largely disappeared.
Concrete commitments were replaced with vague references to `the market',
as governments attempted to pass on their responsibilities to the transnational
corporations.
The US delegation nevertheless, was in an ebullient mood.
US Secretary of Agriculture, Dan Glickman, was quick to remind everyone
that, "We're the leading supplier of food to the world" and
to reassure them that "the US is more prepared and dedicated than
ever to feeding a hungry world." The US message was that many
Southern countries should stop worrying about growing food for themselves
and rely instead on the global market, and US farmers in particular, to
feed them. "Domestic market reforms have unleashed the full potential
of American agriculture", Glickman boasted. "Our farmers
now plant for world demand instead of for government programmes.".
So, amidst the doom and gloom of Malthusian population
projections, can we breathe more easily and take comfort that US farmers
are going to take care of everything? How capable is the US agricultural
machine of increasing food output to help feed the world's growing population?
And what would be the consequences for Southern countries forced to take
US advice and abandon their agricultural roots?
There is no doubt that the US produces mountains of food.
In 1994, the US food supply provided an estimated 3,800 calories for each
US citizen per day, enough to supply everyone with more than one and a
half times their average daily needs. US consumers enjoy the cheapest
food in the world: nowhere else do people spend such a small percentage
of their income (12%) on feeding their families. So blasé are Americans
about the abundance of their food supply that they throw away massive
quantities 40 billion kilos (28% of edible food supplies) in 1995. At
the same time, the country still manages to export huge quantities of
food. In fact, agricultural exports are critical for the US balance of
payments. According to the US Department of Agriculture's (USDA) Agricultural
Research Service, "The US trade deficit for the federal fiscal
year 1995 was a massive $37.4 billion. The bright spot in that picture,
the shining star, is agricultural exports. The US sold a record $59.8
billion in farm goods around the world. The country exports more wheat
than steel, more meat than aluminium, and more fruits and vegetables than
ships, trucks and boats combined." The 1997 harvest should also
prove cause for celebration as it was a bumper year for many crops, with
record and near-record harvests of soybean and corn.
On the surface, US capacity to help solve the world's
hunger problem seems promising. US policy makers and advisors certainly
seem optimistic. As the US Senate was advised in March this year, "With
adequate increases in agricultural research that are modest in terms of
our other spending - and with free trade in farm products - we should
be able to feed the world's population in 2050 without taking any more
from nature". However a closer look at the sustainability of
US agriculture and the real costs its industrial model incurs reveals
that in the long term the country may have trouble feeding its own population,
let alone the rest of the world.
Marketing food security
The strategic plan of the Foreign Agricultural Service
(FAS) of the US Department of Agriculture (USDA) has two goals. These
are to, "Open, expand, and maintain global market opportunities
for agricultural producers" and to, "Enhance world food
security and assist in the reduction of world hunger". A massive
73% of resources is spent on promoting the global market leaving food
security trailing with the remainder of 27%. To the USDA, these goals
represent a win-win scenario, but to others with less faith in the global
market, they appear to be mutually exclusive.
Agricultural export growth is seen as essential to ensuring
future US wealth and well-being. As the powerful agro-industrial and biotech
lobby pointed out in a letter to President Clinton in the run-up to the
Group of Eight summit in June 1997, "The entire US agricultural
food and fibre distribution chain is our nation's largest single industry,
accounting for nearly one out of every six jobs, and approximately 16%
of the Gross Domestic Product. Exports, which account for as much as one-third
of domestic agricultural commodity production, are key to agriculture's
overall economic health and future growth. This is especially true under
the new Farm Bill, which gradually reduces domestic farm programs and
increases the importance of maintaining continued access to foreign markets.".
The letter goes on to point out that, "every billion dollars
in additional US agricultural exports will create as many as 17,000 new
jobs," which makes it unsurprising that the FAS has the goal
of doubling the number of US companies exporting agricultural products
from 7,000 to 14,000 by 2002.
The USDA uses the goal of warding off hunger as an excuse
to justify the aggressive way the country pushes for biotechnology based
farming both at home and abroad. At the Food Summit, Glickman made this
out to be a question of morality, saying, "without biotechnology,
we will be forced to exploit highly erodible farm and forest land. This
may meet our short-term needs, but in the end our legacy to future generations
will be a barren earth.".
Overall, the US vision comprises a very self-serving
approach to its agricultural policy. It is a reminder that feeding the
world should not be confused with wanting the world to be well fed. The
US is interested in feeding the world not because of a sense of compassion
or justice, but largely because it helps with its balance of payments.
US food balance
On the face of it, the US seems more than capable of
feeding itself, since it exports more food than it imports (see Figures
1-2). Only 17% of US imports are considered to be non-competitive with
US products (ie. the US does not produce the same or comparable products).
Without these, US citizens might have to adjust their diets a little,
giving up their penchant for coffee, chocolate and bananas, but there
would certainly still be more than enough food to go around.
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Figure 1. In 1994 the
top ten export products of the agricultural, fishery and wood
sectors, accounted for 53% of the total US$ 53.3 billion.
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Source: GRAIN from USDA Agricultural
yearbook 1996 |
The USDA's agricultural strategy is to maximise yields
in order to boost the US balance of payments and to help feed the world.
But in reality, high-yield strategies are not feeding the world at the
moment, let alone in the future. Some 78% of exports from rich countries
go to other rich countries and 68% of exports from poor countries go to
rich countries, while people go hungry at home. Food produced in excess
of demand serves to reduce commodity prices received by farmers, not to
feed hungry people. And while the high yield strategy makes the US food
supply look formidable, a closer look reveals that it is not as secure
as agro-industry and policy makers would have us believe. It comes with
huge hidden costs, the bills for which have been left unpaid for decades
and continue to accumulate. At some point, however, the US will have to
pay up, letting go of its image as the land of plenty.
The real costs of US agriculture
US agriculture has changed dramatically in the last 50
years. In that time, the number of farms has declined from more than six
million to less than two million. As the number of farms has decreased,
the percentage of food produced by the largest farms has increased substantially.
This has been achieved by dramatically changing the face of farming. Many
of the largest farms raise just one or two crops -- corn and soybeans,
pigs or broccoli, or millions of chickens. The 400,000 largest farms produce
about 80% of the US food supply, and resemble factories more than farms.
Of 50,000 feedlots in the US, the largest 390 market 65% of the cattle.
These massive `farms' are highly dependent on fossil fuels, pesticides,
plastics, energy-intensive buildings, machinery, and government subsidies.
These farms take in huge amounts of external inputs at
one end and discharge vast quantities of animal, fertiliser or pesticide
wastes into their environment at the other. Farming has been transformed
from a biological process into a computerised, industrial production and
distribution system. The costs of this industrial model for agriculture
are phenomenal and extremely wide-reaching, yet largely unrecognised.
Fossil fuel frenzy
Industrial agriculture uses huge amounts of fossil fuels:
to run machinery, heat feedlots, refrigerate produce, make pesticides,
fertilisers and other chemical inputs, and so on. One kilo of nitrogen
fertiliser requires 1.85 kilos of oil equivalent for its manufacture,
packaging, transportation, distribution and application. One kilo of grain-fed
beef requires the equivalent of four litres of gasoline to produce. Energy
use patterns in agriculture rise and fall according to oil price fluctuations.
Between 1978 and 1993, energy use (excluding electricity) dropped 25%
overall, but current levels used are still astronomically unsustainable.
Supplying the world with a typical American meat-based
diet would deplete world oil reserves in just a few years. The annual
beef consumption of an average American family of four (30 kilos each)
requires more than 1000 litres of fuel and releases 2.5 tons of CO2
into the atmosphere, as much as the average car over a six-month
period. According to agronomist David Pimentel of Cornell University,
"If all the grain currently fed to livestock in the US were consumed
directly by people, the number of people who could be fed would be nearly
800 million.". This would be one way in which the US could help
address the hunger problem and make its own agriculture more sustainable,
but it is not a solution likely to find favour in a nation of meat-lovers.
Another way to reduce fossil fuel use would be to switch
to organic farming which is much more energy efficient. A recent study
found that organic maize production required 42% less energy than conventional
production, and 57% less in terms of fossil fuel inputs for the same yield.
Organic potato production used even fewer fossil fuels (67% less) than
the conventional model, although yields were lower.
Pouring on pesticides
North America accounts for the highest level of pesticide
use in the world. In 1995, the US spent $11.3 billion, or $43 per person,
on pesticides. Of this, 70% ($7.9 billion) was used in agriculture (an
average of nearly $4,200 per farm). In 1995, pesticide use continued to
climb back up towards the 1982 peak. The USDA's Economic Research Service
acknowledges a general rise in pesticide use since 1990, but states that
the level, "continues to fluctuate with changes in planted acreage,
infestation levels, adoption of new products, and other factors."
However, a 1997 study by the Pesticide Action Network of North America
(PANNA) suggests that pesticide use is rising more rapidly than the USDA
suggests. The study focused on California, which accounts for 20% of the
US and 5% of world pesticide use. Reported agricultural pesticide use
increased a massive 37% between 1991 and 1995, to 100 million kilos of
active ingredient, used on the same overall land area. PANNA emphasises
that these figures represent only reported use, and that actual use is
higher. Farmers are having to use ever-increasing amounts of chemicals
to remain effective, a common phenomenon for farmers on the chemical treadmill.
The upward trend in pesticide use is likely to escalate as more farmers
plant genetically-engineered herbicide-resistant crops, encouraging them
to increase their chemical use.
Health hazards
More than 70 active ingredients in pesticides are known
to cause cancer in animals and cancer is the most common reason for pesticide
cancellation and suspension by the USDA. Much of the regulatory system
surrounding the use of agrochemicals has centred on cancer risk. Yet the
incidence of all US cancers, apart from lung cancer, has increased by
about 40% in the last 45 years. In addition to cancer, pesticide use is
also associated with other disorders, such as birth defects, neurological
disorders, and endocrine disruption. In 1992, nearly half of the pesticides
applied (weight basis) in the US were known endocrine disruptors. Related
health costs from cancer, pesticide poisonings and fatalities have been
estimated at almost $1 billion per year.
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Figure 2. The top
ten import products of the agricultural, fishery and wood sectors
in 1994, accounted for nearly 59% of the total US$ 42.7 billion.
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Source: GRAIN from USDA Agricultural
yearbook 1996. |
According to the USDA, the health risks associated with
herbicides and fungicides increased 7-8 times between 1964 and 1992. The
potential chronic risk from all other classified pesticides -- mostly
soil fumigants -- increased about 75% in the same period. PANNA reports
that in California, the use of the most toxic pesticides rose dramatically
between 1991 and 1995 with the use of cancer-causing pesticides alone
up by 129%. The total volume including: carcinogens, reproductive hazards,
endocrine disruptors, Category I highly acute systemic poisons, Category
II nerve toxins, and Restricted Use pesticides increased by 32%.
Amazingly, in many states across the US, toxic heavy
metals, chemicals and radioactive wastes are being recycled as fertiliser.
Until now, the USDA has only sampled fertilisers to see if they contain
the advertised levels of beneficial elements, such as nitrogen, phosphorus
and potassium. As a result, in Gore, Oklahoma, a uranium-processing plant
gets rid of low level radioactive waste by licensing it as liquid fertiliser.
In Camas, Washington State, lead-laced waste from a pulp mill is spread
over crops destined for livestock feed. The USDA has only just started
to recognise the need to test for hazardous elements.
The rapid rise of factory farming has also had serious
health implications for both humans and livestock. In 1982, feedlots with
more than 16,000 head of cattle represented 5.7% of production; by 1989
this number had increased to 40%. Many poultry farms stock
more than a million chickens and pig production units with more than 2,000
sows are not uncommon. As Nicols Fox describes in a recent critique of
the livestock industry, animals are often used "as garbage dumps
for animal waste." The overcrowding, unsanitary conditions, overuse
of antibiotics and poor feed quality has led to a dramatic increase in
food-borne disease. For example, there are 266 million cases of food poisoning
each year in the US, an average of one per person, resulting in 10,000
deaths. Agriculture is ranked by the US National Safety Council as among
the three most hazardous occupations in the country, with an annual death
rate in 1991 of 44 per thousand workers. Each year 300,000 farm-workers
suffer pesticide related illnesses, and 36% of meat-packing employees
are injured on the job. In Washington State, the insurance claim rate
by agricultural workers was approximately 50% higher than by non-agricultural
workers. Increases in pesticide use and factory farming are set to exacerbate
existing costs, which are paid for by society as a whole.
Dust bowl revisited
Soil erosion is just one of a number of environmental
impacts resulting from US agricultural practices. In the last two centuries
an estimated 1 billion hectares (30%) of farmland has been abandoned because
of erosion, salinisation and waterlogging. Currently about 90% of US cropland
is losing soil above sustainable rates and over half of US pastureland
is overgrazed and subject to high rates of erosion. According to the Worldwatch
Insitute, each kilo of feedlot steak costs about 50 kilos of eroded topsoil.
The cost of all off-site environmental impacts of soil
erosion (eg. sedimentation of rivers and streams, loss of wildlife habitat,
water treatment costs, etc.), most of which is from agriculture, is estimated
to be about $17 billion per year. An additional yearly loss of $27 billion
is attributed to reduced soil productivity on-site. Together, the total
cost of erosion from agriculture is about $44 billion per year, or about
$100 per hectare of cropland or pasture. The cost of erosion has been
estimated to increase production costs by a quarter each year.
The great thirst
The demands of agriculture on fresh water supplies is
becoming a serious problem, particularly in the Midwest and Western states.
Nearly half the water consumed in the US is used to grow feed for cattle
and other livestock. Achieving high yields in crop production has also
been dependent on using huge quantities of water for irrigation. Fresh
water reserves have declined dramatically as a result. In California where
42% of irrigation water is used for feed or livestock production, water
tables have dropped so low that major land subsidence is increasing. The
countrys second largest river, the Colorado, never reaches the ocean
because all its water is diverted to irrigate farmland and feed the desert
cities of the Western states.
The great Ogallala aquifer, which stretches under much
of the mid-west, holds about as much water as Lake Erie. In 1959, it was
used to irrigate 2.7 million hectares and by 1981 this had nearly doubled
to a quarter of the total area irrigated in the US. The aquifer has extremely
limited recharge capacity and the water table has been dropping dramatically,
in 1993 being only 83% of its predevelopment volume. Some 11% of farmers
in Texas have already been forced to switch back to dryland farming because
the water table has dropped too low for irrigation. Many farmers in Kansas,
New Mexico, Oklahoma and Colorado have had to do the same. According to
one water resource engineer from Colorado, "If something is not
done immediately to replenish the water that is being lost from the Ogallala
Aquifer, there will be no more irrigation for most of the US".
Nevertheless, the constraints presented by the countrys limited
water resources are not usually taken into consideration in policy-makers
ambitious projections for future agricultural production.
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Social costs
Over the last 50 years, an average of more than 1,500
farms have disappeared each week. This dramatic decline has been
accompanied by significant changes in ownership patterns. Between 1978
and 1992, individual farm ownership declined by 16% and non-family corporations
increased by 38%, with the latter concentrating farm wealth at the expense
of the former. Another significant shift has been the steady rise of production
contracts, particularly in the livestock arena. Marketing contracts require
a farmer to sell his or her product to a particular processor or intermediary,
but allow the farmer to make all managerial and production decisions.
Instead production contracts require farmers to adhere to certain production
practices decided by the contractor. Although production contracts tend
to reduce a farmer's risk, they also disempower the farmer. One 1995 study
found that as the bargaining position of pork packers improved, the attractiveness
of contract terms for the growers declined. The largest hog contractors
prefer to contract with farmers that have no experience in hog production,
so that they can train them themselves. Farmers' knowledge is being ignored
and they are being transformed from valued scientists, business managers
and growers, into unskilled workers on a production line. This shift has
had serious impact on farmers' sense of worth and their status in society.
In addition to their changing work role, individual farmers
are simply finding it increasingly difficult to make ends meet. In 1994,
83% of farm households had earnings which placed them below the poverty
line, making them dependent on off-farm income to support themselves.
While the retail price of food increased by 18% between 1975 and 1993,
the amount of each food dollar that reached the farmer actually declined
from 35 cents to somewhere between 9 and 18 cents. This is largely the
result of falling commodity prices promoted by US farm policy and its
strategy to maximise production. In addition, imports of artificially
cheap products from the South, often achieved through exploitation by
Northern transnational corporations, are further depressing commodity
prices.
It is a common misconception that farms have had to grow
bigger because of economies of scale and that the loss of small farms
is therefore inevitable. In reality, small farms can be as efficient if
not more so, than large ones. Farms are getting bigger, not because this
lowers their costs of production, but because they need more volume to
generate income, especially given the increasingly tighter profit margins
farmers are facing. The ruin of thousands of small farmers annually, results
in the movement of rural populations to ever more crowded urban centres
and in the depletion of natural resources.
Draining the gene pool
Biodiverse farming systems are critical for long term
food security, because a large gene pool is essential to protect crops
against disease and pests. The limited range of high-yielding seeds and
breeds available to farmers has dramatically reduced the gene pool for
crops and livestock over the last 50 years (See Table 3). The costs of
genetic uniformity can be devastating, for example the 1970 Southern Corn
Blight resulted in the loss of 15% of the country's most important crop
because commercial varieties had no genes for resistance to the disease.
Crop losses were estimated at $1 billion.
More recently, virulent forms of the famous potato blight
which caused the Irish famine last century have been devastating potato
harvests. Losses over the past several years are estimated in the hundreds
of millions of dollars. Genetic uniformity is, once again, the key to
the problem, since none of the handful of varieties grown commercially
are resistant to the pest. The consequences have been cataclysmic for
many farmers. According to the US Agricultural Research Service, "Historically,
growers sprayed for blight an average of once or twice a season .. But
for the new strains, even increasing the number to 8 or 10 applications
doesn't always work. So not only are growers incurring more costs, they're
putting more chemicals into the environment and still losing."
William Fry, a plant pathologist from Cornell University, cites the example
of a single potato grower in New York state who lost $1million to the
new strains, "Despite doubling pesticide expenditures, the disease
cut marketable yields by 80% .. needless to say, he is no longer growing
potatoes.".
The rise of genetic engineering makes genetic uniformity
an even greater problem. According to Thomas Carter, a soybean geneticist
from North Carolina State University, "Modern breeding techniques
cause genetic bottlenecks, reducing diversity". He gives the
example of the cyst nematode, which spread "amazingly rapidly"
in US soybeans from 1950 to 1970. A source of resistance was found and
developed in a single variety. This parent has now become very dominant
in the soybean industry, further reducing the diversity of an already
small gene pool. Genetic engineering exacerbates such genetic bottlenecks,
increasing crop vulnerability, particularly when single gene resistance
(such as the Bt gene) is exploited in a number of different crops.
According to Dilip Shah of Monsanto, genetically-engineered
herbicide-tolerant soybean was grown on 4 million hectares in the US in
1997, accounting for 25% of soybean acreage. Bt-cotton was grown on 1
million hectares and Bt-corn on 1.4 million hectares. Although Monsanto's
technology is being licensed to a number of seed companies, the number
of genetic lines available is extremely limited. The company's recent
strategy of buying up seed companies is particularly worrying, as this
is likely to reduce still further the diversity of seed available to farmers.
Monsanto insists that it is merely providing what farmers want, but the
farmers themselves are caught in a trap. They buy the genetically-engineered
products in the hope that enhanced short-term returns will allow them
to keep one step ahead of their competitors. The net result of their increased
yields will be a reduction in commodity prices, minimising farmers' profits,
further reducing diversity and wreaking environmental havoc.
Genetic uniformity continues to be the silent crisis
in US agriculture. As the gene pools of the world's most important crops
and livestock continue to decline, it is only a matter of time before
the next major disaster happens. Soybean is particularly vulnerable, and
it is the crop that is spreading fastest across farmers' fields.
Subsidising the rich
For 60 years, the government has encouraged unsustainable
farming practices by paying subsidies to farmers according to their acreage
of a limited number of program crops, such as wheat, corn, soybean and
rice. This has meant that farmers have had no incentive to diversify or
rotate crops, and every incentive to chemically inflate their yields.
Farmers received no subsidies for growing fruit and vegetables, or to
hay and graze. As a result up to 70% of surplus wheat ends up as animal
feed. Although supposedly designed to help family farms, the richest 2%
of American farmers receive 27% of the subsidies. This came about as a
result of Corporate and absentee landowners buying up the lands abandoned
during the Dust Bowl years in the 1930s. Now they farm the government,
instead of the land.
The fact that many farmers would not cover their costs
without their subsidy payments is a reflection of artificially low market
prices and huge costs of inputs that the industrial agricultural model
demands. The US annual production inputs reached a record high of $184
billion in 1997 (an average of $97,000 per farm). In 1996, it cost Nebraskan
farmers an average of $2.40 to produce a bushel of irrigated corn, yet
more farmers sold more corn below cost price than above it.
The "Freedom to Farm" Bill (1996) replaces
subsidies with guaranteed annual payments to farmers. These will initially
be equivalent in dollar terms to subsidies ($5.6 billion) but would decline
by $1.5 billion by 2002, when ideally they will be stopped. Theoretically,
such a shift offers farmers the opportunity to diversify their farms and
farm in a more sustainable manner. In reality, it is unlikely that more
than a few will take the chance to do so, partly because old habits die
hard and partly because the rest of the agricultural infrastructure (processing,
marketing and transportation) remains resistant to such changes.
Instead of serving to support the family farm and a farming
system which produces nutritious food, subsidies have served to degrade
the environment, lower the quality of food available to consumers and
increase the share prices of the food buying and processing corporations.
The new system of payments to farmers is unlikely to change this situation
in any significant way.
Corporate control
In the past, many states had strong anti-corporate farming
laws to protect family farms, consumers and the farming way of life. These
prevented corporations from raising livestock and crops, and limited the
level of investment they could make in farming operations. In recent years,
a number of states have relaxed their anti-corporate laws. In 1991 and
1993 respectively, Oklahoma and Missouri laws changed to allow corporations
to raise poultry and swine, and Kansas now allows individual counties
to make such decisions themselves. Such moves now allow many huge agribusiness
concerns to complete the chain of vertical integration from seed to soya
milk and piglet to pizza.
Even without being able to raise animals themselves,
a few huge corporations already largely control food production (see Table
4), with the predictable result of profits being concentrated at the top
of the chain. Iowa Beef Processors (IBP) dominates the beef packing market,
earning a $257 million profit on sales of $12 billion in 1995. Its chairman
was given a $5.2 million bonus on top of his $1 million salary, while
IBP workers mostly illegal immigrants from Mexico because US citizens
won't do the work were paid $7-10 an hour. Many of these mega-corporations,
not content with achieving vertical integration of certain sectors of
the food industry, are going for horizontal integration as well, in an
attempt to complete their domination of the sector. Cargill, which tops
the list of US privately owned companies, had revenues of $56 billion
in 1996. Its interests span from meatpacking to freight operations, from
fertiliser production to commodity trading, and steel production to grain
milling. The company now controls about 25% of the world grain trade.
Recent years have also seen a conglomeration of the agrochemical,
seed and biotech industries. This move places an even tighter stranglehold
on farmers, who will see their options for planting and farming methods
further eroded, and their bargaining power almost obliterated. In 1996,
Monsanto spent $750 million to buy ownership interests in various other
biotech companies including, Calgene (54%), DeKalb Genetics (40%), Ecogen
(10%) and Agracetus (100%). In 1997, it bought the rest of Calgene for
$217 million and announced joint ventures with Millenium and Mendel Biotechnology.
1997 has also seen Monsanto's first forays into the seed industry, with
its purchase of Holden's Seeds for $1 billion (source of 35% of the parental
lines used by independent corn breeders) and Agroceres, the largest seed
company in the Southern hemisphere, brought for an estimated $70 million.
Corporate control of the food supply means that profits
override all other concerns, such as food safety, the environment and
sustainability. The costs to US citizens associated with this shift are
enormous. As many of the same transnationals effectively control international
commodity markets they also exploit commercial interests in the South.
So Glickman's `war against hunger' is in essence a license for
transnational corporations to continue exploiting both the South and the
North.
The way ahead?
Though the hidden costs of industrial agriculture paint
a grim picture of the state of the US food supply, USDA officials seem
undeterred by this reality and continue to keep up the image of the US
as the land of plenty. The 1996 Farm Bill gives some clues as to the direction
food production is headed. The so-called "Freedom to Farm"
bill conjures up images of smiling, rosy-faced farmers unfettered from
government restrictions skipping gaily into the global marketplace with
overflowing sacks of corn and soybeans. But the real freedom is destined
for the transnational corporations, which are getting organised to secure
vertical and horizontal integration of the food system, both in the US
and abroad. For farmers, the grip is tightening, not releasing.
As the yawning gap in the US balance of payments continues
to widen, pressure will increase on the farming sector to increase production.
This will mean both an intensification of existing farmland and an increase
in cropping area. The 1996 Farm Bill sets the stage for both these strategies.
Some 40 million acres of the 75 million set aside in the 1980s into the
Conservation Reserve Program will be reclaimed to agriculture. Much of
this is unsuitable to chemical-intensive farming, which is why it was
set aside in the first place. In addition, the Farm Bill removes any forms
of supply management (such as marketing quotas), meaning that there are
now no incentives for farmers not to maximise their yields.
However, there are some positive signs that a change
in direction for US agriculture could yet happen. For the 7th year in
a row, US organic industry sales in 1996 grew by more than 20% to reach
$3.5 billion. Dairy products are one of the fastest growing sectors of
the organic market, with 1996 sales in natural food stores alone
of at least $120 million, up from $30 million in 1995. There is also increasing
consumer interest in direct marketing through farmers markets and community-supported
agriculture (CSA). The numbers of CSA groups and farmers markets increased
by 43% and 34% respectively between 1993 and 1996. In addition, the number
of `alternative' vegetable seed companies which focus on maintaining a
biodiverse seed base is on the rise. Their market share is still small,
but it is growing, and the number of varieties available is increasing
again after hitting rock bottom in 1981.
Along with the rise of direct marketing comes renewed
confidence in the viability of the family farm. According to crop scientist
Ann Clark of the University of Guelph, "Family farms can be economically
competitive, even in the face of low commodity prices, if they achieve
wider margins through lower input costs and can avoid domination by the
processing/marketing sector by producing a more diverse array of foodstuffs
intended for local consumption."
Unfortunately, but predictably, the surge of public concern
about the state of the US food supply and the demand for cleaner food
has led to threats to undermine the sustainable agriculture movement.
One timely example is the USDA's takeover of the organic certification
process (see box). Under heavy pressure from factory farm and biotech
interests, the USDA is set to weaken decisively current organic standards,
which are presently upheld and enforced by 40 private and state organic
certification boards.
If the USDA's proposals stand, real organic farmers might
as well pack their bags and go home. Not much "Freedom to Farm"
for them anymore. In California, large-scale agribusiness (Dole, Con-Agra,
General Mills and Heinz) is already making its first forays into the organic
sector. The organic certification proposals are only one example that
US agriculture is headed towards complete industrialisation of agriculture.
Consumers and farmers need to shout a great deal louder to attract Washington's
attention to ensure a more sustainable future for US agriculture.
Given the crisis that US agriculture is causing for society
and the environment, export surpluses may become a bonus of the past.
Furthermore, public disfavour around the world with US exports such as
hormone contaminated beef, BST milk (Prosilac) and genetically engineered
soya, shows that people are increasingly unhappy with the fruits of US
industrial agriculture. Rather than change course by adopting sustainable
policies, the US administration is trying to force feed contaminated food
to its own population through domestic legislation, and to the world,
through free trade measures under the World Trade Organisation (WTO).
US secretary of Agriculture, Dan Glickman, describes the private sector
as "the great untapped frontier in the world war on hunger."
If the US is expecting to see the likes of Cargill and Monsanto take up
positions on the front line, it will be sorely disappointed. They are
busy fighting their own war -- for market domination and global control.
Food is merely a means to this end.
Janet Bell is a writer and researcher living in Boulder,
Colorado, USA. She can be reached by e-mail at janetbell@earthlink.net
Main Sources:
USDA Agricultural Yearbook, 1996.
USDA Strategic Plan, 1997-2002.
USDA Economic Research Service (1997), Agricultural
Resources and Environmental Indicators, 1996-97 edition.
USDA SARE (1997), Adding Values to our Food System:
An Economic Analysis of Sustainable Community Food Chains, Integrity
Systems Cooperative Co, Everson,WA
USEPA (1997), Pesticides Industry Sales and Usage:
1994 and 1995 estimates.
PANNA (1997) Rising Toxic Tide: Pesticide Use in California
1991-1995, PANNA, San Francisco.
Jaenicke, E (1997), The Myths and Realities of Pesticide
Reduction, The Henry A. Wallace Institute for Alternative Agriculture,
Greenbelt, MA.
Welsh, R (1997) Reorganizing US Agriculture -- The
Rise of Industrial Agriculture and Direct Marketing, Henry A. Wallace
Institute.
Rosengrant, M et al (1997), Global Food Markets and
US Exports in the 21st Century, Paper for Illinois World Food and
Sustainable Agriculture Conference, May 28, 1997.
Pimentel, D et al (1995), Environmental and Economic
Costs of Soil Erosion and Conservation Benefits, Science Vol. 267,
1117-1121.
Pimentel, D and Greiner, D (1997), Environmental and
Socio-Economic Costs of Pesticide Use, in: Ed. D. Pimentel, Techniques
for Reducing Pesticide Use, John Wiley.
Clark, A (1997), Farming at the Agriculture Environment
Interface. Paper presented at 1997 conference in Maine.
| Save Organic Standards in the US
Recent proposals by the U.S. Department of
Agriculture (USDA) attempt to weaken organic food standards
by allowing practices common to industrial agriculture. Booming
demand by US consumers for organic produce has seen annual growth
rates up to 20% in recent years, making it the fastest growing
agricultural sector. Such success is seeing corporate agribusiness
trying to muscle in on the act through the auspices of the USDA.
As Ronnie Cummins, Pure Food Campaign Director notes, "The
proposals represent a take over of the natural foods industry
by agribusiness, chemical-biotech corporations, and giant supermarket
chains.".
On 16 December 1997 the USDA announced their
proposed national organic standards which define what can be
legally certified and labelled as organic. Following their final
approval, it will be illegal for producers and retailers to
uphold and promote standards stricter than the USDA allows.
Under the proposed USDA laws, there are no explicit prohibitions
against:
* Genetic Engineering to produce foods.
* Factory Farming to raise farm animals.
* Toxic Sludge spreading on farmlands and pastures.
* Animal Cannibalism feeding animal
waste and carcasses back to animals, the practice that has led
to Mad Cow Disease in the UK.
* Food Irradiation using radioactive
nuclear wastes to "kill bacteria" and prolong the
shelf life of food products.
The public consultation period ends on 16 March
so send letters, faxes, or emails to the USDA demanding that
they maintain strict organic standards by explicitly prohibiting
the unacceptable agricultural practices listed here. Demand
also that they allow private and state organic certification
bodies to maintain stricter organic standards than those the
USDA requires. Tell the USDA to refrain from weakening or eliminating
the power of the National Organic Standards Board to decide
the criteria of what is organic.
Letters to the USDA should be sent to: USDANational
Organic Standards, Docket # TMD-94-00-2, USDA, AMS, Room 4007-S,
AgStop 0275, P.O. Box 96456 Washington, D.C. 20090-6456, US
Fax: (Include Docket Number) (202)-690-4632
email: see USDA web site http://www.ams.usda.gov/nop
The Pure Food Campaign's free electronic newsletter
can be obtained, by sending an email to: majordomo@mr.net,
with the simple message: subscribe pure-food-action.
Pure Food Campaign/SOS (Save Organic Standards)
Address: 860 Hwy 61 Little Marais, Mn. 55614 USA, Tel: (218)-226-4164
Fax: (218) 226-4157 email: alliance@mr.net
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